某些专家却涉及文化系统这样的产物，像舞蹈、音乐、艺术和口头文学，而另一些专家在人种学与历史，或者在人种学和心理学领域架起了桥梁。

 

CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGYThere is considerable variation in the way in which scholars divide the field of cultural anthropology. Historically its major divisions were archaeology and ethnology, with ethnology being subdivided into ethnography, linguistics, and social anthropology. Ethnography is the study of the way of life within a single tribe or groups, while ethnology is the comparative study of two or more cultures or parts of cultures. Archaeology may be viewed as the ethnography and ethnology of extinct cultures.

文化人类学在学者们划分文化人类学领域的方法中存在着相当大的差异从历史上说，随着人种学被细分为民族志学、语言学和社会人类学，其主要划分为考古学和人种学人种学是对在单一部族或群体中生活方式的研究，而民族志学是对两种或更多文化，或部分文化的研究。

考古学可看成是灭绝文化的民族志学和人种学In the United States there is a trend toward organizing cultural anthropology by subdivisions dealing with the institutions within primitive societies. For example, some specialists devote their time to the comparative study of religious, political, economic, or social institutions. Other specialists concentrate on such processes as culture change and acculturation. Some specialists deal with such product of culture systems as dance, music, art, and oral literature, while others bridge the field of ethnology and history or ethnology and psychology.

在美国，存在一种通过细分原始社会内部制度来建立文化人类学的趋势例如，一些专家把时间用于对宗教、政治、经济或社会制度的比较研究上另一些专家专注于像文化变化和文化适应这样一些过程某些专家却涉及文化系统这样的产物，像舞蹈、音乐、艺术和口头文学，而另一些专家在人种学与历史，或者在人种学和心理学领域架起了桥梁。

Ethnography. Ethnography—the study of the culture of single groups—is at the heart of anthropology. Fieldwork is basic to the training of a cultural anthropologist, and the written accounts of fieldwork form the central focus of cultural anthropology. Native cultures of the world may be viewed as the living laboratory in which the cultural anthropologist finds his experiments always in progress when he arrives. In his report he must construct a model of the native culture in order to understand its working parts, and he must also translate this model into the common language of other anthropological theorists. Thus in anthropology the study of any tribal culture that focuses on an experimental premise requires both observation and hypothesis. This alternation between deductive and the empirical gives cultural anthropology a special character as a study of man.

民族志学民族志学—对单一群体文化的研究，是人类学的核心现场工作以及对现场工作进行记录以形成文化人类学的中心焦点，是对文化人类学家训练的基础世界原住民的文化可看成是活的实验室，在其中，文化人类学家发现，从他到达之时起他的实验总是在进行中。

在他的报告中，他必须对原住民文化构建一种模型以便理解其工作部分，而且他还必须将这种模型转换成其他人类学理论家的通用语言因此，在人类学中，对任何集中于实验前提的部落文化研究都需要观察和假设这种在演绎和经验之间的变更赋予了作为研究人的文化人类学的一种重要特征。

Leaving his own culture behind, the field observer must become as totally immersed as possible in the culture he is observing (avoiding the danger of becoming completely involved and thus psychologically unable to disassociate himself). He must come to see the culture as the native sees it. Beyond that, he must construct a picture of its workings, of which even a native is not necessarily aware, jut as a person may speak a language without knowing its underlying grammar. The anthropologist has normally had to be both judge of what is important in the culture and his own critic of the final analysis. In some instances, restudies by another ethnographer have revealed the degree to which the personality and perception of the fieldworker color his report on the culture.

离开了他自己的文化，该领域的观察者必须尽可地完全专注于他正在观察的文化（避免完全陷入其中的危险，因此在心理上无法脱离自身）他必须以原住民眼光来看待文化除此之外，他必须构建一种甚至连原住民都未必意识到的工作方式的图景，就像一个人可能会说一种语言，却不了解它潜在的语法一样。

人类学家通常即要对文化中重要的东西进行判断，又要对最终的分析进行评价在某些情况下，不同的民族志学家的重新研究揭示了现场工作者的个性和感知影响其文化报告的程度Since the time of William L.

Warner’s Yankee City studies (publication of which began in 1914), small-society field techniques have been used by anthropologists to examine parts of the society of the United States. The approach Warner brought from his Australian field work---stressing face-to-face, participant-observer method—was a departure from the massive survey and questionnaire methods traditionally used by sociologists to study Western societies.

自从威廉·L.《华纳的扬基城》研究时代开始（书于1914年出版），人类学家使用小社会现场的方法来检验美国的部分社会华纳从其澳大利亚现场工作带来的方法---强调面对面，参与者-观察者方法---与传统上社会学家研究西方社会所使用的大规模调查和问卷调查方法不同。

Until relatively recently much of the work of ethnographers was concentrated on descriptions in an effort to record data on tribes and groups before their cultures disappeared in a changing world. Some urgent salvage ethnology of this character is still in progress, but ethnographers now are more likely to go into the field of restudy some previously worked society or test out a limited hypothesis about culture or culture change. The modern field anthropologist is much more aware of his theoretical underpinnings than was his predecessor some years ago.

直到最近，许多民族志学家的工作都集中于描述上，试图记录部落和群体在他们的文化消失在变化的世界之前的数据这一特征的一些急迫抢救的人种学仍在进行中，但民族志学家现在更愿意重新研究一些以前工作过的社会，或检验一个有限的有关文化或文化变化的假设。

现代的现场人类学家比几年前的前辈更加了解自己的理论基础Ethnology. Ethnology is the arena for the confrontation of the historical and structural views of human cultures. The comparative study of institutions began with the characteristic 19th century search for origins and developmental stages; marriage, kinship, and religious institutions were the major concern. This movement represented attempt to interpret the past by the analysis of current data, or in other words, to understand the course of cultural evolution on the basis of indirect evidence, much as Darwin and Wallace had come to the concept of biological evolution primarily on the basis of current phenomena.

人种学人种学是人类文化历史和结构观点对峙的舞台对体系的比较研究开始于独特的探寻起源与发展阶段的19世纪；婚姻、亲属关系和宗教制度都是主要关注的事这一运动代表着试图通过对当前数据的分析来解释过去，或者换句话说，在间接证据的基础上理解文化演变的进程，非常像达尔文和华莱士主要是根据现有的现象提出生物进化的概念。

Data from archaeology have largely replaced these speculations about past cultural origins. The historical particularists who developed later in opposition to the evolutionistic approach were trying to reconstruct the history not of culture but of individual cultures, and they were also looking for the principles of culture formation and change.

来自考古学的数据在很大程度上已替换了关于过去文化起源的这些猜测后来发展起来的反对进化论方法的历史排他主义者尝试重建的不是文化的历史，而是个体的文化历史，而且他们也在寻找文化形成与变化的原则The modern structural-functionalists are still interested in the description of, and principles inherent in, culture change, but they work more intensively in the immediate present. Modern functional analysis tends to view societies as having a hidden structure that must be discovered or rendered explicit by the cultural anthropologist. The people within the culture are assumed to be as completely unaware of this underlying structure as native speakers of English are unaware of its unconsciously patterned phonemic system.。

现代结构-功能主义者依然对文化变迁的描述，以及内在的原则感兴趣，但他们的工作更集中于当下现代功能的分析倾向于将社会视为一种必须由文化人类学家发现或明确提出的一种具有隐蔽的结构在文化中的人们被假定完全没有意识到这种潜在的结构，就像说英语的本地人不知道英语的无意识形成的音位系统一样。

By convention and historical development the anthropologist tends to view human activities as systems of symbolic interactions along lines that facilitate comparison with other cultures. The breakdown usually consists of the kinship and social, economic, magic and religious, military, and legal and political institutions. It must be stressed, however, that these subdivisions are arbitrary and that the functional separation will be the work of the ethnographer and ethnologist and are not necessarily obvious within a specific culture. The natives of a New Guinea tribe who send out invitations to neighboring kindred and prepare with magic and religious ritual for warfare---which may have been stimulated by a surplus of pig or ripe fruits—do not divide the world up into the usual categories of ethnography. Furthermore, the outward, or manifest, function of such warfare may be different from the covert, latent functions it performs in the ecological balance of the tribe within its environment.

按照惯例和历史的发展，人类学家倾向于将人类活动视为沿着更容易与其它文化进行比较的这些路线符号的交互系统分解通常包含亲属关系和社会、经济、巫术、宗教、军事，以及法律和政治制度然而，必须强调的是，这些细分都是任意的，而且功能的分离将是民族志学家和人种学家的工作，而在特定的文化中这种功能的分离不一定明显。

新几内亚部落的原住民向邻近的家族关系发出了邀请，并为冲突准备了巫术和宗教仪式---这也许是由多余的猪和成熟水果激发的---他们并没有将世界划分为民族志学通常的范畴此外，这种冲突外在的，或明显的功能可能不同于的隐蔽行动，它体现了部落在其环境内生态平衡的潜在功能。

Kinship. One of the first problems that impressed the European cultural anthropologist with the need for new descriptive tools was the problem of dealing with family and clan organizations that had little similarity to those of Europe. These bizarre kinship systems were at first thought to be survivals of earlier marriage-family relationships, but ethnologists now view them as symbolic maps of existing social relationships. Kinship systems provide cues to the attitude and behavior that may be expected between people who use a particular term to address or refer to one another. G.P. Murdock in

Social Structure (1949) not only classified kinship systems but also indicated their tendency to change in a predictable direction. He noted that new descent and lineage groups tend to form as a response to new residence rules. More recent research has centered on nonlinear kin groups and the analysis of kinship terms.

亲属关系使欧洲文化人类学家印象深刻的首批问题之一是需要新的描述工具处理与欧洲几乎没有相似之处的家庭和宗族组织的问题这些奇异的亲属关系起先被认为是早期婚姻关系的幸存，但人种学家现在认为它们是现存社会关系的符号地图。

亲属关系系统为使用特殊词语相互谈话或提及人们可预期的态度和行为提供了线索G.P. 默多克在《社会结构》中（1949年）不仅对亲属关系进行了分类，而且指出了它们在可预测方向变化的趋势他注意到，新血统和血统群体倾向于一种对新的居住规则形成的回应。

最近的研究集中在非线性亲属群体和对亲属关系术语的分析上Religion. The study of religion as an institution within primitive cultures has changed materially in the 20th century. Many 19th century anthropologists thought of the evolution of religion as a linear progression, usually from animism (a belief in spirits) to monotheism. The culture-sphere theorists had a different view, postulating an original monotheism initially revealed to man, followed by decay and falling away from this original religion. Another evolutionary scheme proposed by Sir James Frazer, envisioned a development from magic to religion to science. R.R. Marrett extended the conceptualization of religious feeling by his discussion of the Polynesian concept of

mana—a lifeless, impersonal force that seemed to be the most basic element in the Polynesian religious system.

宗教作为原始文化中的一种制度，对宗教的研究在20世纪已发生了极大改变许多19世纪的人类学家认为宗教的演化通常是从万物有灵论（精神信仰）到一神论的一种线性累进文化领域的理论家们对此有不同的看法，认为人类最初出现的是原始的一神论，随后衰落，并偏离了这种原始宗教。

由詹姆斯·弗雷泽爵士提出的另一个进化方案展望了从魔法到宗教，再到科学的过程R.R. 马雷特通过他对波利尼西亚人马那概念的讨论拓展了宗教感觉的概念化---在波利尼西亚的宗教体系中似乎是最基本的元素，一种无生气的，无人情味的力量。

Emil Durkeim systematized the concepts within religious institutions, basing his analysis on the Arumta of Australia. Max Weber probed the relationship between the religious and economic institutions of western Europe but also extended his comparative analysis to the religions of India and China. The modern concern, as EXPRESSED by Claude Levi-Strauss, is with the analysis of the elementary structural bases of religious systems. He attempts to apply a linguistic-structural model to the study of religious and mythical systems.

埃米尔·迪尔凯姆基于对澳大利亚的阿鲁姆塔的分析，在宗教制度中将这些概念系统化马克斯·韦伯探索了西欧的宗教和经济制度，也将他的比较分析扩展到印度和中国的宗教正如克劳德·李维·施特劳斯所表达的，现代的关注是对宗教体系的基本结构基础的分析。

他试图将语言-结构模式应用于宗教和神话体系的研究中The study of ecological systems and adjustments as EXPRESSED in religious systems was represented by Marvin Harris’ 1965 study of the sacred cow in India. The treatment of the cow has been frequently cited as a wasteful system, but Harris demonstrated that it is a functional system for maximum exploitation of marginal wastelands and of the cow as well. Another modern interest is the religious component in culture change. The study of new religion as revitalization movements is exemplified by A.F.C. Wallace’s analysis of the Handsome Lake religion among the Iroquois. In this view, religion serves as a summation of the value system and world view as well as the moral order for the behavioral world in which the individual personality must function.

马文·哈里斯1965年对印度圣牛的研究代表了对生态系统和在宗教系统中表现的调整的研究对奶牛的处理经常被看作是一种浪费系统，但哈里斯证明了它是一个最大限度利用边缘荒地和利用奶牛的功能系统另一个现代兴趣是文化变迁中的宗教组成部分。

作为复兴运动的新宗教研究是以A.F.C. 华莱士对易洛魁人的美湖宗教分析为典范的说明从这个观点来看，宗教就是一种价值体系和世界观的总中，也是行为世界道德的秩序，在其中个体的人格必定发挥了作用Economic Anthropology

. The breakthrough in economic anthropology came in the 1940’s with Karl Polanyi’s recognition of the ethnocentric basis of the classical economic analysis of money, markets, and the rationalization of work and production. This awareness of the culture-bound nature of economic analysis made it obvious that the market mentality did not apply to the economies of most of the societies studied by anthropologist. Their economic life was embedded in their total culture. Polanyi, with George Dalton and others, has developed explanations of non-Western economic systems in terms of gift-giving, reciprocity, and a functional analysis of monetary and market systems on a truly comparative basis. Through acculturation, Western-type markets and money and the western economic rationale for work are being introduced into wider areas of the world. As this happens, Western concepts may be more appropriately used in the analysis of these economic systems.

经济的人类学进入20世纪40年代，随着卡尔·波兰尼对货币、市场的古典经济分析的民族主义基础的认同，以及对工作与生产的合理化，经济的人类学出现了重大进展这种对经济分析的文化局限性的认识表明，市场心态并不适用于人类学家研究的大多数的社会经济。

他们的经济生活都植根于他们总的社会之中波兰尼，与矫治·道尔顿和其他人一起，依据送礼、互惠，以及在真正比较基础上的一套对货币和市场体系的功能分析，提出了对非西方经济体系的解释通过文化适应，西式的市场和货币以及西方经济运作的基本原理正在被引入到世界更广泛的地区。

当这一状态出现时，西方的概念可能更适合用于对这些经济体系的分析Personality and Culture. The rapid growth of personality and culture studies has resulted from the cross-stimulation between clinical psychology, psychoanalytic theory, and anthropological fieldwork. The testing of hypotheses from academic and medical psychology has led to important new ideas in the cultural anthropologist’s understanding of the relationship between the individual and his culture. Some of the pioneer work in this area was the examination of Freudian theory by Bronislaw Malinowski in the light of his Trobriand Island field work. Two important early works that viewed individual Indian psychologically were Paul Radin’s

Crashing Thunder (1926), the biography of a Winnebago Indian, and Walter Dyk’s Son of Old Man Hat (1938), a Navajo autobiography.

个性与文化个性与文化研究的迅速增长，在临床心理学、精神分析理论和人类学现场工作之间导致了相互激励对学术和医学心理学的假设，在文化人类学家对个体和其文化之间关系的理解中产生了重要的新观念在该领域的一些先驱者的工作是由布罗尼斯拉夫·马林诺斯基根据其特罗布里岛的实地工作对佛洛伊德学说的检验。

从心理方面观察个体印第安人的两部重要的早期作品是保罗·雷丁的《惊雷》（1926年），一个温尼贝戈印第安人的传记，以及沃尔特·迪克的《老人帽之子》（1938年），一部纳瓦霍人自传An illustration of how one discipline stimulates another is John W. Whiting and Irvin L. Child’s 。

Child Training and Personality (1953). Whiting and Child defined the Freudian theory of fixation operationally in term of learning theory and then tested the theory by applying it to a number of cultures on which data were available in the cross-cultural survey known as the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF). On the basis of this study, concepts of the relationship between child training and personality were reformulated. Later, six research teams were sent into the field to study further the interaction of socialization and personality formation.

一个学科如何促进另一个学科的例证是约翰·W. 怀廷和欧文·L. 蔡尔德的《儿童训练与个性》（1953年）怀廷和蔡尔德根据学习理论从操作上定义了佛洛伊德的固定理论，然后将其运用于多种文化，检验了该理论，相关数据可运用于被称为人类关系区域档案（HRAF）的跨文化调查中。

在该研究的基础上，重新阐述了儿童训练与个性之间关系的概念之后，六个研究组被派到现场，进一步研究社会化与个性形成的相互作用The use of the Rorschach and other projective techniques derived from clinical psychology has enabled the ethnographer to quantify some of his subjective opinions on the nature of personality characteristics shared by members of a tribe. It is also possible to make quantitative studies of changes in personality through time. This can be done by restudying one group or by studying groups at different degree of assimilation into Western culture. From the 1930’s to the 1960’s, A.I. Hallowell and his students documented both the degree of change at varying levels of acculturation and the concomitant levels of healthy personality functioning among the Ojibwa of Canada and the Chippewa of the United States. More recently, George and Louise Spindler, in their studies of Menomini males and females, found significant differences between the most representative personality types of males and females. The psychological “center of gravity” in the two sexes seemed to be pulling in opposite directions—the males toward Westernization and the females toward a conservative position. When statistically compared with the men, the women showed better health. This conclusion was similar to Hallowell’s findings among the Ojibwa.

运用源自临床心理学的罗夏测验法和其它投射技术可使人种学家对部落成员共有的个性特征的性质量化一些自己的主观评价这也使对个性随时间变化的量化研究成为可能这可以通过重新研究一群，或者研究融入西方文化不同程度的群体来现实。

从20世纪30年代到20世纪60年代，A.I. 哈洛韦尔和他的学生不仅记录了文化适应在不同水平的变化程度，也记录了在加拿大的奥吉布瓦和美国的齐佩瓦族中伴随的健康人格功能的水平最近，乔治和路易丝·斯宾德勒，在他们对梅诺米尼男性和女性的研究中，在最具代表性的男性和女性的人格类型中发现了显著的差异。

在两性中的心理“重力中心”似乎在向相反的方向拉动---男性倾向西方化，而女性处于一种保守的状态当与男人进行统计上的比较时，女人显示出更好的健康状况这一结论与哈洛韦尔在奥吉布瓦的调查结果类似Studies of Art, Music, Dance, and Oral Literature

. The plastic and graphic arts have received the longest and most intense scrutiny of any of man’s symbolic cultural products. Many artifacts collected in the 19th century—specimens of pottery and basketry, for example—came to be redefined as art when Western artists began to use the productions of native peoples as a basis for modern art. The American anthropologist Franz Boas did not make a sharp distinction between art, artifacts as aesthetic objects, and artifacts as useful objects. Boas’s examination of art in its social context dispelled 19th century theories that arranged primitive arts according to some evolutionary scale.

对艺术、音乐、舞蹈和口头文学的研究在所有的人类象征文化产品中，造型与图形艺术受到了最长且最为严格的审查19世纪收集的许多手工艺品---例如，当西方艺术家开始使用原住民的产品作为现代艺术的基础时，陶器和蓝筐的样品被重新定义为艺术。

美国人类学家弗朗茨·鲍亚士在艺术，作为审美对象的手工艺品与作为可使用对象的手工艺品之间并未进行明显的区分鲍亚士对艺术在其社会情境中的调查消除了19世纪根据某些进化尺度安排原始艺术的理论The anthropological study of dance and music lagged behind the study of plastic and graphic arts. The early field collector lacked equipment for recording and coding the dance and music of native peoples. Annotations designed for Western dance and music were inadequate for representing the richness and variation of the ethnographic material. Only with the development of annotation systems designed for cross-cultural analysis and the even more revolutionary use of tapes, records, and films did the direct recording of these cultural productions become possible.

舞蹈和音乐的人类学研究落后于造型和图形艺术的研究早期的现场收藏家缺乏记录和编码原住民舞蹈和音乐的设备为西方舞蹈和音乐设计的注释无法充分地代表民族志学材料的丰富性和多样性只有伴随着为跨文化分析设计的注释系统的发展，甚至更多地运用磁带、录音以及影像的突破才能使直接记录这些文化产品成为可能。

Much early folklore collecting served as means for obtaining linguistic texts, and there was also, of course, collecting for the sake of collecting. Art, music, and folklore attracted ethnographers with the same type of interest. Possibly because music and folklore are readily transportable from one culture to an adjoining one, they formed the basis of diffusion studies that stressed the spread of plots in folklore and of songs and melodies in music. In the field of folklore the early diffusion studies concentrated on the spread of tales from high cultures, such as those of India or the Mediterranean. Later studies were more detailed and specific in terms of geographic spread to contiguous areas. There were also theories that folklore represented an evolution from ritual to myth. Franz Boas saw folklore as holding up a mirror to technology and other aspects of culture. Modern structural analysis attempts to follow the linguistic model, braking down oral literature into component parts and analyzing how they are assembled. The relationship between ideal personality and oral literature is another area of modern research. Studying culture heroes may reveal the character traits that members of a society consider ideal. Thus folklore may be seen as a projective system built within the culture.

更早期的民间传说收集作为获得语言文本的手段，当然，也存在为收集而收集的情况艺术、音乐和民间传说吸引了有着同样兴趣的民族志学家可能是因为音乐和民间传说容易从一种文化传播到另一种相邻的文化，它们形成了扩散研究的基础，强调了民间传说情节的传播和音乐中的歌曲与旋律的传播。

在民间传说的领域中，早期扩散研究专注于对高级文化传说的传播，例如印度和地中海的那些传说后来的研究依据向毗连区域的地理传播更加详细和具体也有理论认为，民间传说代表了一种从仪式到神话的演变弗朗茨·鲍亚士认为，民间传说是技术和文化其它方面的一面镜子。

现代的结构分析试图遵循语言的模式，将口头文学分解成组成部分，以及分析它们是如何集合的在理想人格和口头文学之间的关系是现代研究的另一个领域研究文化英雄可以展示社会成员认定的理想人物特征因此，民间传说可以被看成是建立在文化内部的投影系统。

The collection of texts of chants, myth, folklore, and all the verbal arts led to the need to delineate the relationship between the cultural literary style and the individual variations within it. Anthropologists also collect oral histories within their own cultures in an attempt to get at the individual’s personal EXPRESSION of his cultural IMPRESSIONS. The possible relationship between the structure of a language and the verbal arts that develop within it is another area of current research. A folk science, narrative style, and perception of the world may be influenced by the way in which a specific language orders reality. The relationship between a specific language and the world view and habitual thought of those who use it is a primary concern of students of communication.

对圣歌、神话和民间传说，以及所有口头艺术文本的收集导致了描绘文化的文学风格与个体多样性之间关系的需要人类学家在他们自己的文化中也收集口述历史，以试图获得个体对其文化印象的个人表达在一种语言结构与在其中发展的口头艺术之间的关系可能是当前研究的另一个领域。

一种民间学科，以叙事风格以及对世界的感知可能会受到其中一种特定语言方式的影响来调整现实在特定语言与使用它的那些人们的世界观和习惯思维之间的关系是学生交流的主要关注点Modern anthropological research in the arts centers on the context of the arts within societies. The anthropologist asks: Who practices them and under whose auspices? How are critics and aesthetic standards involved? What is the actual structure of music, art, and dance, not only as it is known to the practitioners, but also the unconscious patterning, which comparative analysis reveals? What is the relationship of the particular art under examination to other activities of life? Where does the art fit into the pattern of work and play? What are the manifest and latent functions of art, for creator, and audience?

现代人类学家研究艺术都集中在艺术在社会内的语境之中人类学家们问道：是谁，又在谁的支持下实践它们？评论家和审美标准是如何加入的？音乐、艺术以及舞蹈的实际结构是什么，不仅是实践者已知的，还有比较分析所揭示的无意识模式？什么是在审视下的特定艺术与其它生活活动的关系？艺术适应工作和娱乐的模式在什么地方？对于创作者和观众，艺术的显型和隐形功能是什么？。

Linguistics. The study of linguistics in ethnography and ethnology grew out of necessity. The anthropologist in the field often was confronted with the task of writing down texts and folklore in a strange language. Indo-European languages offered little or no help in understating its sound system or its structure or grammar. Analyzing the language and working out a system for transcribing texts often became the first field task of the anthropologist working with an unknown language. Ethnologists also found that the study of the distribution of related languages could be used to help establish degrees of relationship between cultures and to supply evidence for culture history.

语言学对民族志学和人种学的语言研究是出于发展的需要在该领域的人类学家通常面临着用陌生的语言记录文本和民间传说的任务印-欧语系很少提供或无法帮助理解其发音系统，结构或语法分析这种语言并为转译文本编制出一套系统，通常成为了用一种未知语言工作的人类学家的第一现场任务。

人种学家还发现，对相关语言分布的研究可以用于帮助建立文化之间关系的程度，以及为文化史提供证据Anthropologists used the comparative method of language study, which had established the relationship between such languages as German, Latin, Hindi, and Sanskrit languages and placed them all in the Aryan or Indo-European language family. The same method was applied to American Indian language, such as those of the Algonkian and Iroquoi. Ethnologists were then able to construct classifications of the world’s language based on dialect, language, family, branch, and stock. Modern technique called lexicostatistics and glottochronology are used as a means of approximating the time of separation of two historically related languages. Both techniques are based on the degree or rate of sound shifts in a selected vocabulary that is thought to be relatively consistent in its rate of change and impervious to borrowing.

人类学家运用语言研究的比较方法，建立起如德语、拉丁语、印地语和梵文语言这样的语言之间的关系，并将它们纳入了雅利安或印-欧语系家族同样的方法也应用于美洲印第安语，诸如阿尔冈昆和易洛魁部落的那些语言然后，人种学家就能根据方言、语言、家族、分支和血统构建世界语言的分类。

现代被称为词汇统计学和语言年代学的技术被用作了历史上近似的两种相关语言分离时间的工具两种方法都是基于声音移动的程度或速度，在选择的词汇中，人们认为其变化速度相对一致，而且不受借用的影响Archaeology

. The ultimate aims of archaeological research are the same as those of ethnology: to understand man and his works. Archaeologists used the remains of past cultures and civilizations to reconstruct their culture history. The archaeologist has to concentrate on the material available to him; thus he emphasizes material culture and technology. The hard facts culled from excavations have replaced many older assumptions about how people lived.

考古学考古学研究的最终目的与人种学的目的相同：理解人和他的工作考古学家使用过往文化和文明的遗迹重建他们的文化历史考古学家必须专注于他可用的材料；因此，他强调物质的文化和技术从发掘中发现的铁的事实已替代了许多有关人们如何生活的古老假设。

Archaeology can be subdivided as follows: Prehistoric archaeology deals with cultures that had no written languages and of which there are no written descriptions. All the archaeology of the American Indians north of Mexico before Columbus falls in this category.

Proto-historic archaeology deals with such peoples as the Scythians, who are documented to some extent in Greek historical writings.

Historic archaeology is represented by such excavations as those at Williamsburg, Va., which aid in the reconstruction of these historic sites by supplementing written sources.

考古学可细分为下列学科：史前考古学涉及的是没有书面语言和没有书面描述的文化在哥伦布之前，墨西哥北部的所有美洲印第安人的考古学都归这一类原始考古学涉及的是像斯基泰人这样的民族，他们在希腊的历史著作中有所有记载。

历史考古学以弗吉尼亚的威廉斯堡的那些挖掘为代表，通过补充书面来源来帮助重建这些历史遗址Archaeologists have developed special techniques for working in the field. Mapping and surveying have some similarities to the field techniques of the ethnographer, but the actual excavation procedures have become specialized, and the archaeologist finds his closest counterpart in the geologist. The need to retrieve a maximum of information from excavations has led archaeologists to enlist the aid of the biologists—the zoologist to analyze the animal remains, the botanist for plant and pollen analysis. Biological information of this nature aids the excavator in reconstructing the climate and ecological setting of the culture. New dating techniques using radioactive materials necessitate closer relations between the archaeologist and the physicist.。

考古学家为在现场工作开发了特殊技术测绘与人类学家的现场技术具有某些相似之处，但实际的挖掘规程已变得专业化，而且考古学家在地质学家身上找到了最相近的同行从挖掘中检索最大限度信息的需要导致了考古学家寻求生物学家的帮助—动物学家分析动物的遗骸，植物学家对植物和花粉进行分析。

这种性质的生物信息帮助挖掘者重建文化的气候和生态环境使用放射性物质的新年代测定技术迫使考古学家和物理学家之间的关系更加紧密In processing and publishing his information, the archaeologist must also work in the manner of a skilled ethnologist. He must take into consideration the ethnography of related peoples through time in the same geographic area and of those contemporary peoples who are living in a comparatively similar setting and at a similar technological level. Pottery, stone and bone tools, metalwork, and house types vary from period to period and place to place. Studies of things people made and used throw light on the spread and development of culture and make it possible to trace trade and intermarriage between peoples and migrations of groups.

在处理和出版其信息的过程中，考古学家还必须以熟练的人种学家的方式工作他必须顾及到在相同地域的相关民族的民族志学和那些生活在相对相似的环境和处于相同技术水平的当代民族的民族志学陶器，石器和骨制工具，金属制品以及房屋类型因时期与时期，地点与地点都各不相同。

对这些民族制造和使用物品的研究为文化的传播和发展提供了线索，并使追踪贸易和民族间的通婚和群体的迁移成为可能The final task of the archaeologist is to give as full and accurate a picture of the culture as he can uncover and as full and accurate a picture of the history and relationships of the people as it is possible for him to reconstruct. Excavation usually yields very uneven information on a culture. There is strong evidence on economic pursuits and technology, somewhat weaker information on politics and religion, and usually no reliable data on any area of social organization, such as kinship, dance, music, or oral literature. The success of the final report of an excavation measures equally the archaeologist’s skill as an excavator, how well he uses scientific apparatus and procedures to produce a maximum of information from a site, and his ability to apply he most appropriate historical, ethnographic, and ethnological analogies to reconstruct a picture of the culture. See also ARCHAEOLOGY.

考古学家最后的任务是按照他所能发现的，绘制出完整而准确的文化图景，完全，准确地绘制出历史图景和民族关系，因为对他而言，重建是有可能的对一种文化的挖掘通常产生非常不平衡的信息在追求经济和技术方面有强有力的证据，但在政治和宗教方面信息稍弱一些，而且通常没有任何社会组织的相关信息，诸如亲属关系、舞蹈、音乐，或口头文学。

最终挖掘报告的成功同样衡量着作为一名挖掘者的考古学家的技能，他如何使用科学仪器和程序从现场产生最大限度信息的能力，以及应用他最适当的历史、人种学和人种学类推法重建文化图景的能力Application of cultural anthropology

. The major significance of cultural anthropology to the contemporary world has probably been its contribution to the understanding that most tensions between human groups result from cultural rather than biological factors. Anthropologists have thus played an important role in the quest for better intergroup relations, in reducing the effects of cultural shock, and in improving the adjustment of social groups to changing conditions. Anthropologist worked for these ends in Japanese relocation camps during World War II. They have participated in directed culture change, as in the Vico valley project in Peru. They have applied what they have learned in simpler societies to aspects of modern industrial life, such as the cultural systems in factories and hospitals.

文化人类学的应用文化人类学对当代世界的主要意义或许是它有助于理解人类群体之间的大多数紧张是由文化因素，而非生物因素造成的因此，人类学家在寻求改善群体内部关系，在减少文化冲突的影响，以及在改善社会群体适应变化的条件方面都发挥了重要作用。

人类文化学家在二战期间为这些目的在日本的迁移营地工作过他们参与了直接的文化变化，正如在秘鲁的维科山谷的项目一样他们将他们在简单社会中学到的东西应用到现代工业生活的各个方面，诸如在工厂和医院的文化系统Anthropologists also have advised on the administration of trust territories for which the United States has been responsible since World War II. In employing anthropologists in this capacity, the United States is following the example of the English, German, and Dutch. All these countries used anthropologists as advisers to their cultural administrators. As Claude Levi-Strauss noted, anthropology is to a considerable extent the child of European colonial expansion. It has been the job of anthropology to make the European see the former colonial world as one of human beings living in cultures, not as a group of objects for exploitation.

文化学家还为美国自二战以来一直负责的托管领土的管理提出建议在聘任人类学家担任这一职务时，美国就在效法英国、德国和荷兰的例子所有这些国家都使用人类学家出任他们文化管理者的顾问正如克劳德·李维·施特劳斯指出的那样，在很大程度上人类学是欧洲殖民扩张的产物。

人类学的职责是使欧洲人将前殖民世界看成是人类生活在文化中的一员，而不是一群被剥削的对象2021年10月13日译（译者注：该部分词条位列《大美百科全书》1985年版，第2卷，第43页至48页）待续部分：（PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY（身体人类学；HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY人类学历史；ANTHROPOLOGY AS A CAREER作为一种职业的人类学）。

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